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“It is dif­fi­cult to remove a bad Gen­eral at the height of a cam­paign: it is atro­cious to remove a good Gen­eral.” —Churchill

Obama and McChrys­tal (White House photo by Pete Souza, Wiki­me­dia Commons).

What can we learn by com­par­ing Pres­i­dent Obama’s dis­missal of Gen­eral McChrys­tal to Churchill’s dis­missals of Gen­er­als Wavell and Auchin­leck, two dis­tin­guished com­man­ders in World War II? I hope it will not be another reminder of how stan­dards of con­duct have deteriorated.

Dif­fer­ences first. Churchill’s gen­er­als were removed for not suf­fi­ciently oppos­ing Irwin Rommel’s Afrika Korps. McChrys­tal was not under­per­form­ing, and his sit­u­a­tion bears more resem­blance to that of Gen­eral Dou­glas MacArthur, the Korean com­man­der relieved in 1951 by Pres­i­dent Tru­man for insubordination.

Obama’s crit­ics are look­ing at that dis­tant episode and expect­ing a wave of revul­sion against the Pres­i­dent, as there was for a time against Tru­man. But McChrys­tal is not MacArthur, and Afghanistan is not Korea. The entire coun­try was for vic­tory in Korea; scarcely half wants to win in Afghanistan, and MacArthur was a war hero of epic pro­por­tions. Even then, MacArthur’s pop­u­lar­ity was short-lived. “They started rais­ing money to buy him a Cadil­lac,” Tru­man quipped mer­rily years later, “and you know what? He never got that car.”

Archibald Wavell (British gov­ern­ment photo, Wiki­me­dia Commons)

Gen­eral Archibald Wavell (1883-1950) was relieved of the British Mid­dle East Com­mand on 21 June 1941. In effect he changed places with Gen­eral Claude Auchin­leck, becom­ing Commander-in-Chief India and, two years later, India’s Viceroy.

Gen­eral Auchin­leck, known as “The Auk” (1884-1981), was relieved of Mid­dle East Com­mand 8 August 1942. Churchill offered him the Iraq and Per­sia Com­mand, which Auchin­leck declined, later reas­sum­ing com­mand of the Indian Army.

In reliev­ing Wavell and Auchin­leck, Churchill told them that this was a deci­sion of the Cab­i­net. Obama’s deci­sion appeared to be a per­sonal one, though there is no doubt that his Cab­i­net would have approved, for what­ever McChrystal’s dis­con­tent, such state­ments by mil­i­tary com­man­ders or their sur­ro­gates can­not be tol­er­ated under the estab­lished doc­trine of civil­ian con­trol of the mil­i­tary. A more inter­est­ing con­trast may develop through what McChrys­tal does now.

Churchill wrote that Gen­eral Wavell “received the deci­sion with poise and dignity….on read­ing my mes­sage he said, ‘The Prime Min­is­ter is quite right. There ought to be a new eye and a new hand in this the­atre.’ In regard to the new com­mand he placed him­self entirely at the dis­posal of His Majesty’s Gov­ern­ment.” (1) Earlier, Churchill had set out an opin­ion of Wavell that never wavered: “a mas­ter of war, sage, painstak­ing, dar­ing and tire­less.” (2)

Claude Auchin­leck (Impe­r­ial War Museum, Wiki­me­dia Commons)

A year later Auchin­leck, his plans against Rom­mel reach­ing an advanced stage, was less inclined to accept dis­missal. But, Churchill wrote, he “received the stroke with sol­dierly dig­nity.” (3) “It was a ter­ri­ble thing to have to do,” Churchill added later. “He took it like a gen­tle­man. But it was a ter­ri­ble thing. It is dif­fi­cult to remove a bad Gen­eral at the height of a cam­paign: it is atro­cious to remove a good Gen­eral. We must use Auchin­leck again. We can­not afford to lose such a man from the fight­ing line.” (4)

Wavell remained in the Army until 1943, when he took the civil­ian post of Viceroy of India. There he served until 1947. Auchin­leck declined the Iraq and Per­sia Com­mand, believ­ing it was bad pol­icy to sep­a­rate it from the Mid­dle East. He returned to India, and when Wavell was made Viceroy he reas­sumed com­mand of the Indian Army, retir­ing in 1947 after forty-three years of mil­i­tary service.

McChrys­tal and the British gen­er­als departed pro­fess­ing esteem for their civil­ian chiefs, and vice-versa. Wavell and Auchin­leck retired years later after illus­tri­ous careers, mil­i­tary and civil­ian. It is as yet uncer­tain what McChrys­tal will do now, but that doesn’t pre­vent peo­ple from mak­ing guesses.

“I would assume Gen. McChrys­tal will leave the Army, although his dis­missal from com­mand in Afghanistan does not mean he’s been thrown out on the street,” writes John Eip­per of Adrian Col­lege. “A book and a speak­ing tour would make more finan­cial sense. Might a polit­i­cal career await him?” (5)

Let’s hope not.

Wavell and Auchin­leck, hav­ing been sacked, placed them­selves “at the dis­posal of His Majesty’s Gov­ern­ment.” Lord Hal­i­fax in 1940, find­ing his ideas of a peace deal with Hitler rejected by Churchill and the War Cab­i­net, did not offer inter­views to air his grievances—nor would such an act of pub­lic dis­loy­alty have occurred to him. George Mar­shall, a dis­tin­guished gen­eral who later served as U.S. Sec­re­tary of State, had many dis­agree­ments with his chiefs. After he retired he was offered $1 mil­lion for his mem­oirs; he declined, say­ing, “I have already been ade­quately com­pen­sated for my services.”

Appar­ently the Pres­i­dent offered no alter­na­tive mil­i­tary appoint­ment to Gen­eral McChrys­tal, as Churchill—safe in his own skin and dis­dain­ing opin­ion polls—did with Wavell and Auchin­leck, believ­ing their con­tin­ued ser­vice vital to the war effort. We must assume it was not Obama’s opin­ion, as it was Churchill’s, that “We can­not afford to lose such a man from the fight­ing line.”

So…will Stan­ley McChrys­tal now leave the Army, go on a lucra­tive speak­ing tour, write a book with a hefty advance, or go into pol­i­tics? (If the lat­ter, he might want to take a look at what hap­pened to the band­wagon (dis­avowed) for Dou­glas MacArthur.

The lessons taught by Churchill, Wavell, Mar­shall and  Auchin­leck about loy­alty to one’s chief, and to one’s coun­try, remind us of a stan­dard that was once taken for granted, and is now almost extinct.

Per­haps Gen­eral McChrys­tal will defy the odds.

===

End­notes

(1) Win­ston S. Churchill, The Sec­ond World War, vol. III The Grand Alliance (Lon­don: Cas­sell, 1950), 310.

(2) Robert Rhodes James, ed., Win­ston S. Churchill: His Com­plete Speeches 1897-1963, 8 vols. (New York: Bowker, 1974) VI:6346.

(3) Win­ston S. Churchill, The Sec­ond World War, vol. IV The Hinge of Fate (Lon­don: Cas­sell, 1951), 422

(4) Harold Nicol­son Diary, 6 Novem­ber 1942, in Nigel Nicol­son, ed., Harold Nicol­son: Diaries and Let­ters, vol. II 1945-67 Lon­don: Collins, 1967), 259.

(5) World Asso­ci­a­tion of Inter­na­tional Stud­ies, posted 24 June 2010.


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In his press con­fer­ence of 29 April, in response to a ques­tion on the dis­clo­sure of top secret memos on the use of “enhanced inter­ro­ga­tion meth­ods,” Mr. Obama said:

I was struck by an arti­cle that I was read­ing the other day talk­ing about the fact that the British dur­ing World War II, when Lon­don was being bombed to smithereens, had 200 or so detainees. And Churchill said, ‘We don’t tor­ture,’ when the entire British—all of the British people—were being sub­jected to unimag­in­able risk and threat….the rea­son was that Churchill under­stood — you start tak­ing short­cuts, over time, that cor­rodes what’s best in a peo­ple. It cor­rodes the char­ac­ter of a country.

While it’s nice to hear the Pres­i­dent invoke Sir Win­ston, the quo­ta­tion is unat­trib­uted and almost cer­tainly incor­rect. While Churchill did express such sen­ti­ments with regard to prison inmates, he said no such thing about pris­on­ers of war, enemy com­bat­ants or ter­ror­ists, who were in fact tor­tured by British inter­roga­tors dur­ing World War II.

The word “tor­ture” appears 156 times in my dig­i­tal tran­script of Churchill’s 15 mil­lion pub­lished words (books, arti­cles, speeches, papers) and 35 mil­lion words about him—but not once in rela­tion to inter­ro­gat­ing enemy com­bat­ants. Sim­i­larly, key phrases like “char­ac­ter of a coun­try” or “erodes the char­ac­ter” do not track.

Obama seems to have been mis­led by Andrew Sullivan’s recent arti­cle in The Atlantic, “Churchill vs. Cheney,” which calmly urges that Vice Pres­i­dent Cheney be prosecuted. The British, Sul­li­van wrote,

cap­tured over 500 enemy spies oper­at­ing in Britain and else­where. Most went through Camp 020, a Vic­to­rian pile crammed with inter­roga­tors. As Britain’s very sur­vival hung in the bal­ance, as women and chil­dren were being killed on a daily basis and Lon­don turned into rub­ble, Churchill nonethe­less knew that embrac­ing tor­ture was the equiv­a­lent of sur­ren­der to the bar­barism he was fighting….

“Churchill nonethe­less knew” appears sud­denly and with no evi­dence to back it up. Sul­li­van makes no other ref­er­ence to Churchill, or to how he divined Churchill’s views on torture.

Sul­li­van likely picked this up in a three-year-old arti­cle about Camp 020’s chief inter­roga­tor, Col. Robin “Tin Eye” Stephens. In “The Truth that Tin Eye Saw,” by Ben Mac­in­tyre (Lon­don Times Online, 10 Feb­ru­ary 2006), Stephens is iden­ti­fied as an MI5 offi­cer who extracted con­fes­sions out of Nazis: “a bristling, xeno­pho­bic mar­tinet; in appear­ance, with his glint­ing mon­o­cle and cig­a­rette holder, he looked exactly like the car­i­ca­ture Gestapo interrogator.” Stephens was ter­ri­fy­ing, Mac­in­tyre wrote:

Sus­pects often left the inter­ro­ga­tion cells leg­less with fear after an all-night grilling….he deployed threats, drugs, drink and deceit. But he never once resorted to violence….This was no squishy lib­eral: the eye was made of tin, and the rest of him out of tung­sten. (Indeed, he was dis­ap­pointed that only six­teen spies were exe­cuted dur­ing the war.) His motives were strictly prac­ti­cal. “Never strike a man. It is unin­tel­li­gent, for the spy will give an answer to please, an answer to escape pun­ish­ment. And hav­ing given a false answer, all else depends upon the false premise.”

Nowhere does Mac­in­tyre men­tion or quote Churchill. Incidentally, Stephens was cleared of a charge of “dis­grace­ful con­duct of a cruel kind” and told he was free to apply to rejoin his for­mer employ­ers at MI5.

The CIA argues that “enhanced inter­ro­ga­tion” works, John McCain says it does not. Who­ever is right, the “Tin Eye” Stephens story is not the whole story. Accord­ing to recent research the British did use such meth­ods: in the “Lon­don Cage,” a POW camp in the heart of Lon­don, “where SS and Gestapo cap­tives were sub­ject to beat­ings, sleep depri­va­tion and starvation.”*

Churchill spoke fre­quently about tor­ture, mostly enemy treat­ment of civil­ians. I thank Larry Kryske for this exam­ple, from Churchill’s World War I mem­oir, The World Cri­sis, vol. 1, page 11: “When all was over, Tor­ture and Can­ni­bal­ism were the only two expe­di­ents that the civ­i­lized, sci­en­tific, Chris­t­ian States had been able to deny them­selves: and these were of doubt­ful util­ity.” (His gen­eral sen­ti­ment is clear enough, though com­bined with “can­ni­bal­ism,” this seems likely to refer to prac­tices of invad­ing armies.)

In World War II, when he had ple­nary author­ity, it is hard to imag­ine Churchill being unaware of activ­i­ties at places like the “Lon­don Cage.” His daugh­ter once told me, “He would have done any­thing to win the war, and I dare­say he had to do some pretty rough things—but they didn’t unman him.”

If Churchill is on record specif­i­cally about “enhanced inter­ro­ga­tion,” his words have yet to surface. The near­est I could come to his sen­ti­ments on tor­ture tech­nique refers not to ter­ror­ists or enemy com­bat­ants but to prison inmates. In 1938, respond­ing to a con­stituent who urged him to help end the use of the “cat o’nine tails” in pris­ons, Churchill wrote: “the use of instru­ments of tor­ture can never be regarded by any decent per­son as syn­ony­mous with justice.”**

If that line appeals to Mr. Obama, he can cer­tainly use it with confidence.


End­notes

* Ian Cor­bain, “The Secrets of the Lon­don Cage,” The Guardian, 12 Novem­ber 2005. The Cage was kept secret, Cor­bain, wrote, though a cen­sored account appeared in the mem­oirs of its com­man­dant, Lieu­tenant Colonel Alexan­der Scot­land. Cor­bain does not men­tion Churchill, but to believe Churchill wasn’t aware of this activ­ity would be ask­ing a lot.

** Mar­tin Gilbert, edi­tor, Win­ston S. Churchill, Com­pan­ion Vol­ume V, Part 3: Doc­u­ments: The Com­ing of War 1936-1939. Lon­don, Heine­mann: 1982, 1292. n.2.

Grate­ful acknowl­edge­ment to Larry Kryske for the World Cri­sis ref­er­ence; to Alex Spillius, “Obama Likes Win­ston Churchill After All,” Daily Tele­graph, 30 April 2009; and to Tele­graph read­ers respond­ing to his article.

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“This great country…mooing dolefully…”

March 21, 2009

21 March 2009 (Asso­ci­ated Press): Iran’s supreme leader, Aya­tol­lah Ali Khamenei, today dis­missed over­tures to his coun­try from the U.S. pres­i­dent, Barack Obama, say­ing Teheran did not see any change in pol­icy under the new U.S. admin­is­tra­tion. “They chant the slo­gan of change but no change is seen in prac­tice,” Khamenei said in his speech, broadcast [...]

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More Obama and the Churchill Bust

March 6, 2009

Thanks for the amus­ing “Obama, Cal­houn and the Churchill Bust-Out.” What do you say how­ever about the Daily Telegraph’s spec­u­la­tion that Obama’s rejec­tion of Churchill was based on the British jail­ing and tor­ture of his grand­fa­ther, Hus­sein Onyango Obama, between 1949 and 1951, “dur­ing the Mau Mau rebel­lion in Kenya”?  —R.P. First, the Daily Telegraph did [...]

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Obama, Calhoun and the Churchill Bust-Out

March 4, 2009

Ever since the BBC and The Daily Tele­graph revealed that Pres­i­dent Obama had sent George W. Bush’s Jacob Epstein Oval Office bust of Win­ston Churchill pack­ing (while retain­ing the bust of Abra­ham Lin­coln),  the media has been abuzz with spec­u­la­tions over the implied sym­bol­ism.  Per­son­ally I think the media just demon­strates its degen­er­ate irre­spon­si­bil­ity to keep fan­ning these non- [...]

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