1943Vsign“A few curmudgeons have flamboyantly abstained from joining in this birthday greeting; but they are so few that their action merely emphasises the fact that personal respect and friendship habitually survive and transcend political conflict in the Mother of Parliaments. It is particularly appropriate that these all-party tributes on his birthday should be paid to one, the outstanding fact of whose character and career is that he has never been happier than when leading men of all parties and men of no party in some great national cause. He has never ceased to combine zeal for reform with reverence for tradition.

“And as in home affairs so in world affairs he has within him the stuff of which fertile cooperation is woven. The man to whom the Old World owes so much of its survival himself belongs by blood half to the New—he is, as has been neatly said, ‘half American and all English’—and this great citizen of an island realm has always had an unusual comprehension of Continental nations. Where he has loved them, he has marched loyally with them through dark hours. Where he has fought them, his hate has died with their surrender.

“Let us not forget that a birthday which has been made a national and indeed an international event is in its essence a family event. For half a century of sunshine and storm he has had in Lady Churchill as today, a stimulating and sensible companion, charming the magic casements of his life. Of all the birthday presents, none can be more precious than the sum of those years of undemanding and undeviating affection.

“He has some personal dislikes—which of us has not? He is the personal dislike of some—which of us is not? But on this day sinks the fever of all the emotions save those evoked by the knowledge that our mighty compatriot in his long journey has made himself the architect of imperishable achievements and the symbol of  inexpugnable courage.”

The Daily Telegraph, London, Tuesday, 30 November 1954


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Great website! I am a psychologist writing a book manuscript on the biological basis of self-confidence. Long an admirer of Churchill, I would like to use a quote from the film The Gathering Storm to demonstrate Churchill’s tremendous confidence. Can you help me find Churchill’s statement (in the film) to Ralph Wigram, that when he was a boy, a feeling had come to him that one day Britain would be in great danger, and it will fall to him to save London? —B.J.S.

Thanks for the kind words. Privately the Churchill of early World War II was not so confident as in his speeches proclaimed. In May 1940 he said to his bodyguard, Walter Thompson, “I hope I’m not too late.” Later he confided to Roosevelt that the Germans might well invade Britain and install a puppet government. While assuring FDR that such a government would not be run by him, he suggested they might install the British fascist leader Oswald Mosley “or some such person.”

As France was falling in May 1940, Churchill did not favor seeking an armistice with Germany. But Neville Chamberlain’s diary for the end of May records Churchill as saying that “if we could get out of this jam by giving  up Malta and Gibraltar and some African colonies, he would jump at the chance.” Of course, he may have just been throwing a bone to Lord Halifax, who was arguing for an approach to Hitler through Mussolini’s “good offices.” (The mind boggles.)

Nevertheless, the brilliant dialogue in The Gathering Storm about foreseeing the future has its origins in fact. It came when Churchill was 17 years old, as quoted in  Sir Martin Gilbert’s In Search of Churchill, page 215:

…I can see vast changes coming over a now peaceful world; great upheavals, terrible struggles; wars such as one cannot imagine; and I tell you London will be in danger—London will be attacked and I shall be very prominent in the defence of London. I see further ahead than you do. I see into the future. This country will be subjected somehow, to a tremendous invasion, by what means I do not know, but I tell you I shall be in command of the defences of London and I shall save London and England from disaster.…dreams of the future are blurred but the main objective is clear. I repeat—London will be in danger and in the high position I shall occupy, it will fall to me to save the Capital and save the Empire.

Sir Martin explains that he was given this quote by Churchill’s Harrow schoolmate Muirland Evans, who recalled their conversation “in one of those dreadful basement rooms in the Headmaster’s House, a Sunday evening, to be exact, after chapel evensong.…We frankly discussed our futures. After placing me in the Diplomatic Service…or alternatively in finance, following my father’s career, we came to his own future….”

See also my review of The Gathering Storm on this website.

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96h/11/fion/3669/00069

Churchill by Himself is different from all other Churchill quote books through “correctibility.” It offers a reference to each quotation, and a method by which corrections may be sent in, verified, and made available digitally to readers.

Producing any work as complicated as this is a constant running battle between conflicting sources, experts who disagree with each other, and inexorable deadlines. For instance, one expert offered corrections based on the 1974 Complete Speeches (not complete and scarcely free of errors) that contradict the texts of earlier volumes by Churchill himself—which to me take priority. Nevertheless the process of revision is endless.

Accordingly, publishers were chosen who keep books in print with frequent reprints, allowing continual revision. The Second Edition, extensively corrected down even to ellipsis points, will be published by Public Affairs in 2010. The Third Edition will be improved again, and so on.

For readers who own First Editions I offer below the most important corrections—the ones I’d dearly like to have back, and sometimes alter by hand when inscribing copies personally! A master list containing many more corrections is being prepared for the Second Edition, and I welcome being advised of any that my readers should find.

Although many persons helped compile this list, my special gratitude is owed to Professor David Dilks, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hull, not only for his fastidious note-taking, but for his lack of pedantry and understanding in improving the book—qualities which, I have come to learn, are rare. —RML

Note: “106/1” means page 106, column 1.

1. Corrections to British and American Editions

Page 1 caption, line 2 should read: With Sir John Anderson on Victory in Europe Day, 8 May 1945.

16/1 Difficulties, “Don’t argue the matter”: for “1941” read 1942.

23/1 Personnel. For date “1941” read 1942

25/2 Right and wrong: For date “26 May” read 27 May. In the note, lines 1-2, revise to read: WSC to Clement Davies, who ventured to suggest that President Truman meet privately with

32, third paragraph, last two lines should read: for a traitor. According to his last Private Secretary Churchill called John Foster Dulles “dull-duller-Dulles,” and it was just like him.

82/2 first note, penultimate line: for “House of Commons” read Guildhall after the war

100/1, first note, line 4, replace to read: Sidney (1622-1683, son of the Earl of Leicester)

3-8, revise to read: division of power has lain at the root of our development. We do not want to live under a system dominated either by one man or one theme. Like nature we follow in freedom the  paths of variety and change and our faith is  that the mercy of God will make things get better of we all try our best.

101/1 first entry, replace as follows: …elections exist for the sake of the House of Commons and not…the House of Commons…for the sake of elections. 1953, 3 November.

106/1, first editor’s note should read: Churchill was referring to Lord Rosebery (Prime Minister 1894-95), whose horses, Ladas II and Sir Visto, won the Derby in 1894 and 1895….

106/2, line 2: for “New York University” read the University of the State of New York

118/1 second quote should run before the first quote, and its dateline should read: 1940, 20 August.

130/2, second note, last sentence should read: Britain and the Commonwealth contributed $6 billion in “Reverse Lend-Lease” such as rent on airbases.

144, caption should read: WSC with Roosevelt and Stalin at Yalta, February 1945.

155/2, third date from top, for 1919 read 1929.

254/2, Ribbentrop meeting credit line should read: 1938, MARCH. (GUEDALLA, 271-72.) Revise the note to read: The Cabinet had asked Churchill to join them for lunch to bid farewell to Hitler’s Ambassador Joachim von Ribbentrop, while Austria was being absorbed by Germany. The quote is…

321/1, “Attlee,” first entry date: for “1935.” read 1940.

328/2, Brodrick note, last line: for “1860-1907” read 1890-1907

329, last line: for “Conservative” read Liberal

359/1 last note, last line: for “Duncannon” read: Dunconnel

369/2 first note should read: Conversation at a luncheon thrown by Chamberlain for the German Ambassador to Britain, Ribbentrop, 11 March 1938, at the time of the Anschluss with Austria…[etc.]

518/1, top line: for “WSC’s private secretary” read Liberal MP

527/1 second note, line 2: for “9 May” read 10 May.

544/1 second entry: For “Nazim” read Nazimuddin. For the date “1941” read 1953

556/1 “Practice,” note, line 2: for “Moseley” read Mosley.

561 footnote line 1: for “1954” read 1945.

570, paragraph 4 line 1: revise last sentence to read: For example, “The heaviest cross I have to bear is the Cross of Lorraine” is so well established that I was surprised to learn that someone else said it.

573: delete “Dull, duller, Dulles” which has been attributed.

575: delete “Grace of God” and “Impromptu remarks” which have been attributed.


UKjacket2. Corrections to the First British Edition only.

(All of the following have been made in the American edition)

11 caption line 2 should read: In a tommy’s helmet visiting the defences at Dover, 1943.

132/2 top entry: for 27 read 28 June.

380 caption, line 2: delete “in Woodford”

532 caption: For “study” read bedroom.

3. Addenda

I have found two instances where Churchill’s words were incorrect (or, more likely, his transcribers were): On page 528, column 2, line 7, Churchill said “sixteen years later” but should have said “six.” On page 553, column 2, “Interruptions, answering,” Churchill is recorded as saying “abrogated,” but almost certainly he said “arrogated.”

Page 20, column 2, first entry: Manfred Weidhorn brings to my attention a previous occurrence of almost the same words, in Churchill’s essay, “A Second Choice” (1931, March. Strand Magazine; Thoughts, 11): The journey has been enjoyable and well worth making—once.”

Page 322, Stanley Baldwin: A distinguished historian has suggested to me that Churchill’s attitude toward Baldwin was not as uniformly critical as the quotes here listed. He quoted WSC’s praise of SB at the Party Conference in October 1935 and in private letters, and noted that Churchill visited Baldwin’s home in 1950, after SB’s death. I believe however that Churchill was singularly critical of Baldwin, per Martin Gilbert’s In Search of Churchill, as quoted here, and outlined my reasons in “How Churchill Saw Others: Stanley Baldwin,” Finest Hour 101, Winter 1998-99.

Page 360, Marshall, note 2: It has been suggested to me that Churchill met Lazare Carnot (see under Trotsky, page 375), but I am not sure. Sadi Carnot was a reconciler, Lazare a revolutionary. Though the latter was known as “the organizer of victory,” I am not sure Churchill thought of Marshall in quite those terms.

Page 573 (main entry), also 32, 570: “Dull-duller-dulles” (with the hyphens) has been attributed, by Sir Anthony Montague Browne (Long Sunset), 126.’’ Thanks to Jim Lancaster for digging out this and several other attributions in Sir Anthony’s book.

Page 576, column 2: Leise Christensen has advised me that when the Duke of Northumberland said “A living dog is better than a dead lion,” he was himself quoting from Ecclesastes 9:4.

Page 579, “Best of Everything”: Thanks to Robert Pilpel for reporting that George Bernard Shaw preceded both F.E. Smith and Churchill with this line in his play, “Major B” (1905), when Lady Britomart says (act 1, scene 1): “I know your quiet, simple, refined, poetic people like Adolphus—quite content with the best of everything!”

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I am hoping you can place in context a statement by Winston Churchill, which has been offered to show that he would support current U.S. heath care reform proposals. My own Catholic parish recently published the aforementioned statement in its weekly bulletin.

What Would Winnie Do? Here’s an interesting quote. It’s from conservative British Prime Minister Winston Churchill explaining his view on  health care and government in 1948: “The discoveries of healing science must be the inheritance of all. That is clear: Disease must be attacked,  whether it occurs in the poorest or the richest man or woman simply on the ground that it is the enemy; and it must be attacked just in the sane way as the fire brigade will give its  full assistance to the humblest cottage as readily as to the  most important mansion….Our policy is to create a national health service in order to ensure that everybody in the country, irrespective of means, age, sex, or occupation, shall have equal opportunities to benefit from the best and most up-to-date medical and allied services available.”

The heading and quotation imply that we Catholics should support national health care. Lacking the rhetorical context in which the statement was made and given, and knowledge of conditions existing in Britain sixty years ago, I am wondering: what was Churchill’s  actual position on national healthcare? —J.R., Chicago

We tend to deprecate articles suggesting that Churchill would do this or that about modern situations. His daughter always likes to ask people who say such things: “How do you know?” The answer is, of course, that none of us know. (What we do know is that, except when very young, he hated that nickname “Winnie.”)

The Churchill quotation you sent is not from 1948, but taken from his tribute to the Royal College of Physicians on 2 March 1944. (Complete text available from this website by email.)

You will have to decide whether the excerpts joined together in your church bulletin are in context. (I have inserted the break.) You are right to suggest that conditions in Britain in 1944 were different (more critical health-wise) than conditions in the USA in 2009.  Also, in 1944, the words “national health service” did not necessarily mean what the Labour government created after the war. Nor do they define what is proposed in America. President Obama and his supporters are not proposing a British National Health Service. The argument is over whether what they propose might lead to problems similar to the British system.

Without question Churchill believed that new medical discoveries are “the inheritance of all.” But that leaves a fairly wide array of options. On 3 July 1945, too late to affect the general election (which came two days later), he issued a Cabinet Paper calling on his colleagues to move forward on legislation or National Insurance and a National Health Service. What they would have come up with we’ll never know, since the Conservative Party lost big, and the Labour Party took over and created their own plan. But consider that “National Insurance” to some people means an alternative to “National Health Service,” in which the citizen might have, for example, a medical savings account accruing to the individual through regular, required deposits from paychecks, like a bank account. The miracle of compound interest is a great thing.

It seems evident that Churchill did not oppose the Labour Party’s National Health Service, though he was not among its advocates. In the beginning everything was to be free, of course. When, inevitably, costs began to rise, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced charges for spectacles and dentures, he protested the heavy government expenditures in the House of Commons (10 April 1951), suggesting that other economies should have been made to accommodate the increases:

Those who hold that taxation is an evil must recognize that it falls upon this country in a most grievous manner at the present time, continually burdening the mass of the nation and continually clogging—or, at any rate, hampering our efforts. There is to be an increase of taxation. I am not at all concerned today to examine even cursorily the detailed proposals which the Chancellor has made, but taxation is to be increased; it is to be heavier still. Naturally, many people will feel that the issue should be argued out very tensely as to whether other economies in Government expenditure might not have relieved us from the need of applying new burdens and new taxation. Of course, we know the times are difficult.

…So in 1951, as we can see, Churchill was arguing for decreased government expenditures instead of higher taxes on the citizenry as the best approach to the problem. In 1945, it had seemed much easier of solution.

Churchill considered socialism—a far milder form than we know today—incompatible with human liberty, and sought a way of ameliorating the complaints of the poor (or relatively poor) without confiscating the wealth of those who produce it. To this end you may be interested in reading the comments on this matter by Larry Arnn in our the autumn 2009 Q&A column Finest Hour 144: 11). If you are not a Churchill Centre member, Arnn’s remarks are available from this website by email.

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N.B.: If Mr. Olbermann had done more research, he would know what Churchill did say about national healthcare, which is more to the point: see Churchill and Healthcare.

vick05

Keith Olbermann (MSNBC)

MSNBC commentator Keith Olbermann is for the proposed American healthcare reform bill, which is neither here nor there.

What is interesting to Churchillians is his use of Winston Churchill’s words to support it—from both 1945 (when Churchill was campaigning against socialism), and 1936 (when Churchill was urging rearmament in the face of Nazi Germany).

In 1945, Olbermann says, Churchill

equated his opponents, the party that sought to introduce “The National Health,” to the Gestapo of the Germans that he and we had just beaten just as those opposing reform now have invoked Nazis as frequently and falsely as if they were invoking Zombies. Churchill cost himself the election because he didn’t realize he was overplaying an issue that people were already damned serious about.

Er…not exactly, Mr. O.

Churchill did not use the “Gestapo speech” to oppose Labour’s national health plan, which, in general at least, he supported (see next post). He used it to describe—in what was later thought to be a poor analogy—the kind of compulsion citizens might expect under a socialist government:

No Socialist Government conducting the entire life and industry of the country could afford to allow free, sharp, or violently-worded expressions of public discontent. They would have to fall back on some form of Gestapo, no doubt very humanely directed in the first instance. And this would nip opinion in the bud; it would stop criticism as it reared its head, and it would gather all the power to the supreme party and the party leaders, rising like stately pinnacles above their vast bureaucracies of Civil servants, no longer servants and no longer civil.

And where would the ordinary simple folk—the common people, as they like to call them in America—where would they be, once this mighty organism had got them in its grip? I stand for the sovereign freedom of the individual within the laws which freely elected Parliaments have freely passed.

It is an article of faith in “enlightened” circles that Churchill made a bad mistake by comparing the 1945 Labour Party, led by the kindly, self-effacing Clement Attlee, to Hitler’s political police. Maybe so.

But it strikes me as interesting when a friend in England, a confirmed Labour supporter, likens the tactics of certain modern Labour town councils in Britain precisely to those of the Gestapo: in their suppression of free speech; in their attempt to destroy those who disagree with them; in their vitriolic hatred of opposition media.

If Churchill’s words don’t put you in mind of certain recent developments in America, read on.

Olbermann now switches to the Churchill of 1936, who, he says,

made the greatest argument ever for government intervention in health care only [sic] he did not realize it. He was debating in Parliament the notion that the British government could not increase expenditures on military defense unless the voters specifically authorized it, just as today’s opponents of reform are now claiming they speak for the voters of today, even though those voters spoke for themselves eleven months ago.

Churchill’s argument was this: “I have heard it said that the government had no mandate….Such a doctrine is wholly inadmissible. The responsibility [of Ministers] for the public safety is absolute and requires no mandate.”

And there is the essence of what this is. What, on the eternal list of priorities, precedes health? What more obvious role could government have than the defense of the life, of each citizen? We cannot stop every germ that seeks to harm us any more than we can stop every person who seeks to harm us. But we can try dammit and government’s essential role in that effort facilitate it, reduce its cost, broaden its availability, improve my health and yours, seems, ultimately, self-explanatory. [sic]

We want to live. What is government for if not to help us do so? Indeed Mr. Churchill, the responsibility for the public safety is absolute and requires no mandate!

Leave aside the question of whether the current healthcare proposal would expand or shrink access to healthcare. To equate it with a threat to a nation’s existence is quite a stretch. But let’s start by quoting all of what Churchill said, on 12 November 1936:

I have heard it said that the Government had no mandate for rearmament until the General Election. Such a doctrine is wholly inadmissible. The responsibility of Ministers for the public safety is absolute and requires no mandate. It is in fact the prime object for which Governments come into existence. The Prime Minister had the command of enormous majorities in both Houses of Parliament ready to vote for any necessary measures of defence.

“The responsibility for the public safety is absolute.” Indeed so: the safety of the nation against those who would snuff it out. That is, inarguably, “the prime object for which Governments come into existence.” They do not come into existence to pass out largess until the public till is exhausted and the currency debased. The American government was not created to force every citizen to buy a good or service—which is part of the current healthcare proposal, but nowhere authorized by the United States Constitution. And has never before been mandated in history.

True, the President does have “the command of enormous majorities.” Yet he seems unable to make them “vote for any necessary measures.” Why?

It would behoove him, and the Congress, and the rest of us to ask. Is it, for example, because 75% of citizens are happy with their healthcare? Or because they prefer piecemeal solutions that are more easily monitored—tort reform and portability, for example—to a comprehensive plan that would inevitably lead to massive spending and rationing? Or because a large majority fear that like Medicare, which will go broke inside a decade unless altered, this amplification of Medicare will also go broke—or exclude many for whom Medicare is now accessible? Or because it will require punitive taxes? Or because they can see no example of anything run efficiently by government, from the Postal Service to the war in Afghanistan? All these are legitimate objections, and people are not Nazis to express them.

Salon.com, which agrees with Mr. Olbermann about health reform, says he did nothing to advance their cause: that his argument is self-defeating:

[He dug] up a Churchill quote from the 1930s where the former British prime minister insisted government had a right to provide for people’s well-being. But what was the point? Churchill is dead; the healthcare reform plan isn’t remotely modeled on Britain’s National Health Service; the only people who think it is are the conservative opponents of reform.

In the narrow sense, that’s a rejection of Olbermann’s argument. In a broader sense, Salon is also right. Churchill is dead. This is not 1936 or 1945. Lady Soames is often wont to remark: “You must never suggest what my father would do or say about any modern issue—after all, how do you know?”

What her father said about liberty never goes out of fashion, and here is the most memorable sentence in  his “Gestapo speech” of 1945: “I stand for the sovereign freedom of the individual.”

Of course, Churchill’s times are often paralleled in ours. That’s the value of studying history—how Churchill reacted to challenges which may seem familiar to thoughtful people. And, since Mr. Olbermann likes to tell us what reminds him of Hitler, let me say what reminds me of Hitler.

It is people who think it appropriate to offer an email address where Americans can report anything “fishy” they might see or hear emanating from the thoughts and opinions of other Americans. That reminds me of the Gestapo.

092309_classIt is a teacher who makes little schoolchildren chant, “Mm, mmm, mm! He said that all must lend a hand, To make this country strong again, Mmm, mmm, mm!
He said we must be fair today, Equal work means equal pay….Hello, Mr. President we honor you today!
 For all your great accomplishments, we all doth say hooray!”—set to the music of “Jesus Loves the Little Children.”

6a00d8341c8e0153ef01156fc434e9970b-400wiThat reminds me of the Hitler Youth.

Commentator Mark Whitting writes: “This is going beyond the beyonds, as this writer’s Irish granny used to say.”

That, Mr. Whitting, is putting it mildly.

If we are going to draw anything from Churchill’s “Gestapo speech” that bears on our current situation, it might be what Churchill said about gathering “all the power to the supreme party and the party leaders, rising like stately pinnacles above their vast bureaucracies of civil servants, no longer servants and no longer civil.

“And where would the ordinary simple folk—the common people, as they like to call them in America—where would they be, once this mighty organism had got them in its grip?”

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